South Korea moms looking for sex

Added: Jabier Vosburg - Date: 04.09.2021 16:27 - Views: 26307 - Clicks: 1363

Use the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more. R ecent advances in promoting the rights of women and girls globally have been partially offset by increasing implementation of son preference through offspring sex selection, leading to rising sex ratios at birth 1 1 Sex ratios at birth, recorded as the of male births per female births, is expected to be approximately — For a discussion of the factors affecting the sex ratio at birth, see Waldren The past two decades have seen the of countries with high child sex ratios increase from five to nineteen Hudson and den Boer In recent history, only one country has reduced its sex ratio at birth from extremely high levels to biologically normal levels: South Korea, from a peak of While South Korea's sex ratio at birth was declining throughout the early to mid s, the sex ratio at birth in another Asian country, Vietnam, began an erratic rise, reaching How can we explain this recent rise in Vietnam's sex ratio, and are there lessons for Vietnam, or for other countries facing high sex ratios at birth, from the experience of South Korea?

To investigate these questions, we first discuss in general terms the drivers of gender inequality and offspring sex selection.

South Korea moms looking for sex

We conclude by reflecting on what can be learned from the experiences of these two countries, which have been moving in apparently opposite directions at roughly the same time. Research into the causes of high sex ratios at birth points to the key roles played by three factors: son preference, the availability of sex-selective technology, and declining fertility.

Park and Chofor example, examined patterns between sex ratios at birth and fertility rates in East Asia, noting that sex ratios were rising in countries with strong son preference and declining fertility throughout the s. The authors explained that the widespread availability of sex-selective technologies by the late s, coupled with a desire for sons and a small-family norm, had led to the high sex ratios at birth observed even for first-born children by in South Korea.

Historically, families in countries with strong son preference could achieve a desired of sons by having large families or by postnatal discrimination against daughters, but given the availability of low-cost sex-selective technology, postnatal discrimination is typically replaced by prenatal sex selection Goodkind Das Gupta et al. These three factors are not of equal weight, however. Low fertility and available means of sex selection will not result in high sex ratios at birth unless there is a strong preference for sons. In addition to having access to affordable means of sex selection which includes a legal environment that permits or overlooks its useGuilmoto argues, parents must also be willing to act on their desire for sons, taking into religious and ethical considerations.

We argue that son preference is likely to lead to sex selection only in the presence of additional factors. There are many countries where the prevalent culture places greater value on sons than daughters, yet not all of these countries, even those experiencing fertility decline, exhibit the high SRBs that would indicate that preference has moved to implementation.

Rather, preferences are implemented when certain catalytic pressures are applied in the absence of countervailing forces. In the past, such pressures were often of natural origin, such as famine, but in the twenty-first century these catalytic pressures are more likely to be man-made; that is, they derive from government-led fertility policies and the resulting incentive structures. While the reasons for son preference differ across cultures, it is rooted in the organization of society along patrilineal lines, and implementation of that preference depends in part on the strength and rigidity of patrilineal practices.

The vast majority of lineage-based groups or clans trace descent through the male line, practice patrilocal marriage, and inherit land and property through the male line Barfield ; Eickleman Patrilineality permits groups of male relatives to become politically powerful: when conflict arises, a natural alliance is readily at hand Hudson, Bowen, and Nielsen But this ready-made allegiance owes much to blood ties; hence scholars have noted the importance attached by the clan to biological replication Barfield In societies privileging sons, daughters may be viewed as a drain on the household economy, which is why sex selection historically increased during periods of economic hardship or limited resources Das Gupta ; Hudson and den Boer Sons are also valued for their role in symbolic or ritual practices to which women are excluded, such as performing religious rites on behalf of ancestors—for the ancestors to be honored are all male kin.

Patrilineality is principally effected through three mechanisms: 1 patrilocal marriage, 2 discriminatory practices regarding property and inheritance, and 3 inequitable family law. The practice of married couples residing with the husband's parents patrilocal marriage ensures that land and property belong exclusively to men, which creates for women a situation of subordinate status and economic dependence.

Patrilocal marriage reinforces male inheritance of land and other resources even in states in which women have legal rights to inherit, because customary practice often trumps formal law Hudson, Bowen, and Nielsen Inequitable family laws that privilege male rights entrench women's subordinate status and reinforce son preference.

South Korea moms looking for sex

The greater the importance ased to patrilineal groups, even in the presence of a strong state and gender-equitable laws, the higher the intensity of son preference. However, as noted ly, preference need not result in implementation; generally speaking, catalytic factors are necessary for this to occur. One prime example of a man-made catalytic factor in a patrilineal society is the enforcement of government limits on fertility.

South Korea moms looking for sex

When fertility is coercively lowered by the state, son preference will tend toward implementation. This is because in a patrilineal society the typical family-level solution when no son has yet been born is to continue to bear children until a son is forthcoming. Alternatively, some parents will actively select for a male child, especially at higher birth orders.

But even though laws, policies, and practices can support patrilineality and subordinate women, these are not immutable. Countervailing social forces, if strong enough, can create an environment in which laws and policies can change and in which son preference and its implementation via fetal sex selection can diminish. In this article, we illustrate this with the contrasting examples of South Korea and Vietnam.

South Korea and Vietnam both have a strongly patrilineal cultural heritage. Yet South Korea's government has been more successful in effecting changes to patrilineal practices; the details of that divergence will be presented in subsequent sections. Despite similarities along dimensions such as ethnic homogeneity both countries are fairly homogeneousthere are some points of contrast.

South Korea is about one-third the size of Vietnam, and has about 55 percent of Vietnam's population. While both countries have market economies, Vietnam is a communist one-party state while South Korea is a parliamentary democracy. China and India have divergent styles of governance but both have strong son preference and high sex ratios.

Civil society is much weaker in Vietnam, because the government does not allow the establishment of independent human rights groups, thereby limiting the pressure that women's groups can apply. South Korea is far richer and more urbanized. Table 1 includes indicators that reflect level of development as well as indicators related to gender equality and patrilineality.

South Korea moms looking for sex

South Korea has more developed social insurance and protection systems, as evidenced by a higher proportion of the aged receiving a pension and a lower maternal mortality rate. The situation of women is similar in the two countries in terms of low fertility and high female life expectancy. Both countries have low levels of women's political representation, but only Vietnam reaches the global average of a 23 percent representation of females among parliamentarians IPUsuggesting that the country's communist government has had greater success in promoting women's political power.

Vietnam also has a higher female labor force participation rate than South Korea, but lags behind in female secondary education, age at marriage, and rate of adolescent births. Vietnam's higher level of violence against women, inequity in family law, greater incidence of early marriage, and prevalence of patrilocal marriage suggest that the foundational elements of patrilineality remain more intact in Vietnam than in South Korea. BySouth Korea's sex ratio at birth had climbed from a normal ratio just ten years earlier to Bythe SRB was back down to Recent fertility surveys demonstrate that the desired sex ratio for offspring has also shifted from a consistently male preference above males per females prior to to a female preference of 86 males per females in Kim et al.

And indeed, the change arguably came within less than a generation, despite conventional wisdom suggesting that such swift social change would be unlikely. Many observers attribute the lowering of the sex ratio at birth in South Korea to economic development. Inthe SRB was The overall sex ratio at birth is now The case of South Korea shows clearly that son preference does not necessarily decline with a rise in per capita income—even a sustained and ificant rise over three decades as seen in South Korea or in China or India. To understand South Korea's reversion, we must move beyond wealth as an explanatory variable.

Son preference and sex selection in South Korea have a long history. In his study of global sex ratios at birth, Russell found that the SRB in Korea between and was This abnormally high ratio was likely due to under-registration of female births in particular, daughters dying from neglect in their infancy were not registered. A desire for at least two sons meant that most Koreans had large families, but the introduction of a nation-wide but non-coercive fertility policy meant that son preference would become more obvious as family sizes declined.

Inconcerned that the high fertility rate would impede development, the South Korean government adopted a National Family Planning Program that promoted small families ideally three childrenoffering economic incentives to women to use contraceptives to prevent unwanted pregnancies. In the s, the South Korea Institute of Health and Social Affairs, along with the Planned Parenthood Federation of Korea, promoted a two-child norm and by the fertility rate had dropped from 4.

Despite government attempts to encourage parents to value sons and daughters equally, having a son was seen as so vital during this time period that 50 percent of women 68 percent of rural women surveyed in indicated that failure to have a son was a sufficient reason for a husband to have with another woman Yang At first, the promotion of the two-child norm did not seem to affect the sex ratio at birth.

As Park demonstrates in his analysis of the survey, the sex distribution and of offspring depended heavily on the sex of the first- and second-born children. If the first two children were girls, families would continue to have more children, whereas if the first two children were boys, families were more likely to stop having children; thus, smaller-size families were skewed in favor of male births.

Fertility surveys suggested that in the s, the ideal composition of offspring was two sons and one daughter ibid. There is also evidence of discrimination against daughters resulting in higher-than-expected female infant and child mortality rates in the s and s: mortality statistics from to demonstrate that female children died at a higher rate than males, with almost twice as many females dying as male children aged 1—4 in the period — Goodkind The first slightly above-normal national sex ratio at birth recorded in South Korean censuses occurred inwhen a SRB of See Park : Annual birth statistics revealed near normal SRBs untilwhen the sex ratio reached Given that the ratio of male to female infant and child deaths had returned to normal or near-normal levels bythe SRB of Parents expressed strong son preference in national surveys.

The fertility and family health and welfare survey asked wives how necessary it was to have a son: South Korea's national sex ratio at birth during this time period hid variation according to birth order. As Figure 2 demonstrates, parents manipulated the sex of higher-parity births in order to achieve their desired family composition.

The sex ratio for first births was usually within or near the normal range with the exception of —Year of the Horse, traditionally considered inauspicious for female births—when the sex ratio at birth was Second and higher-order births, however, are skewed toward sons.

Sincefirst and second births have had normal sex ratios, but the sex ratio of third and higher-order births was still skewed as late as The smaller of higher-order births, however, means that the overall sex ratio at birth is not affected. These national sex ratios at birth also hid geographic variations. Infor example, the sex ratio at birth ranged from This region in the southeast is known for its conservative and patriarchal attitudes and has long exhibited stronger son preference than other parts of South Korea Chun and Das Gupta ; Kim The higher sex ratios cannot be explained by greater access to ultrasound machines and prenatal sex determination; rather, the explanation seems to lie in the strength of traditional values associated with Confucianism, 6 6 Although only 0.

There are some regional variations for the three dominant religions, and given the closer association between Buddhism and Confucianism with its emphasis on filial piety and ancestor worshipit is not surprising that Buddhism is most dominant in the southeastern provinces of Gyeongsangnam and Gyeongsangbuk an area that includes the cities of Daegu and Busan where the birth and juvenile sex ratios were the highest in the country.

South Korea moms looking for sex

Gyeongsangnam and Gyeongsangbuk, along with Daejeon and Busan also located in the southare the only four provincial areas still to have slightly elevated sex ratios at birth in KOSIS. Gyeongsangbuk and Gyeongsangnam also have unusually high sex ratios at birth for first-order births at The national fertility survey compared levels of education, employment, and stated levels of son preference for married women Kim et al. As one would expect, the highest levels of stated son preference were found among mothers with three or more sons, and the lowest level of son preference was found among those with no sons 72 percent of those surveyed had at least one son.

Surprisingly, there was little variation in son preference according to age of the mother, although there were slight variations between the oldest group and the youngest group. Differences according to mother's level of education were more ificant: women with high school education or above expressed lower levels of son preference only In their study of the determinants of son preference, Chung and Das Gupta also found that women's education had the most ificant effect according to their analysis of and surveys The widespread availability of abortion in South Korea played a key role in both reducing fertility and providing a mechanism for prenatal sex selection.

Although abortion in South Korea was criminalized inthe Maternal and Child Health Law of established a of exemptions that made abortion more permissible. Despite its illegality, South Korea has one of the highest abortion rates in the world—reportedly 66 abortions per births in Kim and Until recently, enforcement of abortion laws in South Korea was lax, with only 2—7 cases prosecuted annually.

See KWAU Targeting doctors, a few harsh prosecutions have made examples out of offenders, and in response many obstetricians no longer offer abortions ibid. However, two things are of interest. First, although South Korea stepped up enforcement as ofthere is no substantively new legislation that changes the regulation of abortion. Second, the sex ratio at birth in South Korea had already normalized before enforcement of the general ban on abortion was strengthened. Because prenatal sex selection is only achieved with knowledge of the fetal sex combined with the availability of abortion, the government attempted to prevent sex selection by prohibiting prenatal sex identification.

The government legislated a ban on prenatal sex identification in Nam and strengthened it in Compared to its relatively lax enforcement of laws against abortion in general, the government did in fact attempt to enforce the ban on fetal sex identification.

South Korea moms looking for sex

Inthe s of eight physicians were suspended for performing such tests, although some questioned the efficacy of the ban Park and Cho The government further strengthened the law against sex-selective abortion in in an attempt to apply further pressure on the medical community, banning the use of ultrasound machines or other technologies to determine the sex of a fetus.

Medical professionals risked fines, imprisonment, and even loss of their medical for performing prenatal sex determination Ganatraand UNFPA asserts that the laws banning prenatal sex determination were effective in helping to reduce sex selection in the country UNFPA It is true that prenatal screening technologies were so widely available in urban and rural areas in South Korea that physician assistance was not necessary to identify fetal sex Kim As might be expected when deeply entrenched norms are targeted, South Koreans initially continued to select for sons.

However, we note that following the strengthening of the law in the sex ratio at birth began to decline. The fact that the sex ratio began to decline but remained above normal until —7 suggests that the ban on fetal sex identification did not by itself end the practice of sex selection, but it may have contributed to the norm change catalyzed by the legal dismantlement of patriarchal privilege.

South Korea moms looking for sex

Consistent with this norm change argument, when South Korea's Constitutional Court declared the ban on fetal sex identification unconstitutional inbirth sex ratios did not rise. During the late s, women's rights NGOs were more effectively challenging gender inequality.

South Korea moms looking for sex

email: [email protected] - phone:(240) 968-1079 x 7232

Sex meet up essex